President Bola Tinubu’s rise to power has not only reshaped governance but also seems to have subdued the voices that once roared against authority. The very mechanisms of protest, resistance, and dissent that Tinubu himself wielded during his days in the opposition now appear either silent or significantly weakened under his presidency.

During his time as an opposition figure, Tinubu was known for his bold stance against government policies he considered unjust. He sponsored and even led numerous protests, challenged the government in court, and mobilized civil society to push back against the perceived excesses of those in power.

He stood up to the military dictatorship of General Sani Abacha; he challenged former President Olusegun Obasanjo, frontally and by proxy. He was truly a thorn in the flesh of the then-ruling party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), leading and sponsoring several protests as one of the opposition leaders, which eventually culminated in the PDP being ousted from power after 16 years. Fast forward to his presidency, and there seems to be a stark contrast.

The opposition parties now appear too fragmented or intimidated to muster the courage for organised protests. It is believed the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) is sponsoring the crisis that have engulfed main opposition parties – the PDP and Labour Party (LP) – with the sole aim of weakening their position to challenge President Tinubu as he plots his re-election in 2027.

The two parties are helplessly battling to extinguish the flame of crisis purportedly ignited by Tinubu’s men in their fold with little or no time to actively play their role as opposition entities. This is a symptom of Tinubu’s political mastery, no doubt! Again, take, for instance, the Labour unions.

Historically, these bodies were at the forefront of fighting for the rights of Nigerian workers, and they didn’t hesitate to strike when government policies were detrimental to the masses. However, under Tinubu’s administration, the Labour movement seems to have lost its bite.

Where protests against fuel price hikes and economic hardship were once frequent, now the streets are quiet, with little sign of the collective anger that usually follows such policies. Some critics argue that the unions have been “castrated,” no longer wielding the power they once did. Adams Oshiomhole, the former President of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), gained national recognition by leading numerous protests against former President Obasanjo’s government.

These protests effectively shut down the country each time the administration increased fuel prices. However, the current NLC President, Joe Ajaero, appears to be more focused on settling political scores rather than using the platform for the public good.

The NLC has historically been instrumental in driving civil protests, but it seems to be inactive in the current situation. Moreover, civil society groups, which have long been watchdogs for democracy and human rights, now seem to have either gone silent or, more concerningly, aligned themselves with the government. Organisations and individuals that previously held governments accountable now seem to have shifted focus or become co-opted into the corridors of power.

The sense of an independent, vibrant civil society has faded, leaving many to wonder if true accountability can still be achieved. It seems that the once vibrant groups like the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) and the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) have lost their energy.

We still remember the anti-SAP protests by Nigerian students in 1986, when they challenged General Ibrahim Babangida’s administration’s IMF and World Bank-inspired Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) with all its strict conditions and neo-liberal influences.

This policy, considered anti-people by conscious Nigerian students, ASUU, and organised labour, was seen as an attempt by the World Bank and the IMF to weaken the Nigerian economy, further impoverish the people, deepen dependence, and stifle the democratisation process.

Where are the organised labour, students, and other radical civil society groups who used to connect their struggles with the working people of Nigeria and fight against imperialism and its local representatives? We really need them to wake up and unite Nigerians against this government that is determined to make life unlikeable for us.

The current hardship has similitude to what SAP birthed in the 1980s and the counter-actions from the populace need to be as fierce to force the government into retraction. This is why we need these platforms to galvanise us into action for peaceful, civil protest.

This perceived pacification of dissent raises serious concerns about the health of Nigeria’s democracy. Without strong opposition, active Labour unions, and independent civil society groups, the checks and balances crucial to a thriving democratic system weaken. Tinubu’s political mastery and influence appear to have engulfed even the institutions designed to challenge him, leaving many Nigerians asking: Has he conquered us all?

Former Governor of Jigawa State, Sule Lamido, a fiery politician, said in a recent interview: “Tinubu today is somebody who has a grip on Nigeria, who owes obeisance to nobody in Nigeria, who believes that God made him and he made himself and he is now lording it over the Nigerian people and nobody can challenge him. He was adept at studying the system, manipulating it.

He exploited it and he did it well.” Does it now mean we are helpless against a man who has now become an emperor? This isn’t to say that pockets of resistance don’t exist—they do, but we can see the way he crushed the #EndBadGovernance protest and the recent NLC strike.

Many arrested protesters are facing varying charges including treason with their future left in limbo. Whether through fear of repression, a lack of resources, or simply the overwhelming political machinery Tinubu has at his disposal, many groups that would have once rallied against government actions have retreated.

In the long run, this situation begs the question: how long can a democracy function effectively without robust opposition and civic engagement? As it stands, Tinubu’s presidency has cast a long shadow over the institutions and individuals who should serve as counterweights to his power.

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